Scott Lemieux of TAPPED is logically correct but, I think, tactically mistaken for dismissing pro-choice efforts to look for “common ground” with anti-abortion conservatives.
To follow up on Monica’s post about Dana Goldstein’s terrific article about the coming battle over contraception, it’s also important to emphasize what Republican opposition to contraception reveals about cultural conservatism.
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The problem with this line of reasoning is that it ignores the broader set of assumptions about women and sexuality on which actual opposition to abortion is based. Consider anti-choice Republicans, who consistently opposed expanding contraceptive use: Given the choice between reducing abortion rates and controlling female sexuality, they will always choose the latter. Thus the idea that contraception can be a means of achieving a ceasefire in the culture wars has always been a fantasy. Liberals and conservatives aren’t just divided by abortion but by broader questions of female equality and sexual freedom.
I agree strongly that there’s a hard core of social conservatives who just flat-out hate the idea of women having sex (or possibly instead hate the idea of men having sex with women) and “getting away with it.”
And for those people abortion is virtually a red herring, relevant only to the extent that abortion, like contraception, amounts to a get out of jail card on the “wages of sin.”
Fine. You’ll never reach compromise with those people.
The trick, though, is that the hard core hides behind a heck of a lot of people who are squishy on abortion, sometimes really squishy, but 100% fine with contraception.
Those people you can find common ground with. And for logical and tactical reasons it’s extremely important to do so.
The point of engaging in “common ground” rhetoric isn’t about getting to compromise with the acid right. It’s to flush them out, to drive a wedge, to starkly separate them from their nominal allies in the squishy middle.
Maybe 20 years ago someone from Operation Rescue very bluntly said it was their policy to oppose initiatives that only reduced abortions because, in his opinion, unless abortions continued in big, big numbers the majority of opponents would lose interest in the issue.
“Common ground” solutions like contraception availability amounts to calling their bluff.
Would it be great if the majority of people were willing to back abortion rights 100%? Oh yeah, definitely. But the bad guys wish the majority were as enthusiastic about letting women die of preventable pregnancy-related complications. Since neither side seems likely to get such support, it becomes a question of who can provide intermediate solutions that are most appealing to the majority in the middle.
I happen to think the most appealing intermediate, a.k.a. “middle ground” solution is pressing hard on contraception. First of all because all but the fanatics are comfortable with it, and second because while nearly all the squishy middle are squishy about the boogeyman of “abortion on demand” they’re actually extraordinarily tolerant of abortion as a backup when contraception fails. That’s exactly Terry Randall and the American Bishop’s worst nightmare and… I just can’t see any reason why we shouldn’t give it to them.
So. Bottom line: you can’t compromise with fanatics, but by appearing reasonable (heck, by being reasonable!) you can peel off millions and millions of their nominal supporters.
I say go for it.
While discussing the… problematic issue of an alt-religious cult insisting that certain of its members have abortions Jos of Feministing illustrates the difference between being “pro-abortion” and being pro-choice.
Abortion should always be an available option, but how someone acts on their own pregnancy must be their decision. To coerce someone to have an abortion, to take away that decision, is the very definition of anti-choice.
When you’re pro-choice it’s all about supporting choice! If one was merely pro-abortion one would be indifferent when someone’s decision to continue her pregnancy isn’t respected.
Abortion services really should always be an available option because not everyone wishes to remain pregnant, nor is everyone medically able to safely remain pregnant. But that’s just one part of being pro-choice.
Y’know what’s funny? When I was a teen peer counselor in east Tennessee back before Roe vs. Wade legalized abortion nationwide women had to travel to either Washington D.C. (400 miles) or New York (600) to legally terminate an unplanned, unwanted pregnancy.
Nowadays thanks to encroachment on legal abortion rights nationwide many, many women must travel… 400 and 600 miles to legally terminate an unplanned, unwanted pregnancy.
Summary: The way “reducing abortions” is almost always framed distracts us from the more legitimate, and legitimately pro-choice issue of reducing the number of unplanned, unwanted pregnancies. Here’s what we should be doing instead. And why. And why.
Silvana Naguib, who’s now blogging at TAPPED says…
Ever since President Bill Clinton introduced his succinct position on abortion: “safe, legal, and rare,” the goal of reducing the number of abortions has been a stated aim of abortion rights as well as anti-abortion groups. Last year, then-presidential candidate Barack Obama promised the pope that he would make efforts to reduce the number of abortions in the United States.
But should decreasing abortion rates be a stated goal of the reproductive-justice movement? Aimée Thorne-Thomsen says no. She makes the case that we should instead focus on increasing all options for women, expanding their liberty to make the right choice for them.
I say no too, for basically the same reasons. Framing the issue in terms of numbers of abortions avoided is going about it completely backwards.
Back before Roe was handed down our argument was that abortion was necessary as a fallback for contraceptive failure and/or failure of personal autonomy and/or failure to use contraception due to lack of education, access, affordability, safety, or usability of contraception.
And the reason we framed it that way back then is that we knew that even when it became legal, is that abortion is more expensive, more time-consuming, more uncomfortable, and medically more risky than any other method of avoiding unplanned, unwanted pregnancies.
Point being that making abortion “rare” should only be a highly-desirable outcome of making unwanted, unplanned pregancies rare.
And the obvious way to get there has no, zero, none relationship to restrictions on abortion. Instead it has everything to do with making a variety of contraception options safe, legal, available, reliable, usable, and affordable for women and men. It has everything to do with comprehensive sex education that includes not just “birds and bees” biology, anatomy, and technique but also appropriate modeling of negotiation and respect for decision-makers not just regarding sex but regarding relationships as well. Heck, for extra credit you can even toss abstinence advocacy on top of all that.
And the result of those policies (ok, except maybe the abstinence part) really would make abortion rare. But as a result, not a goal.
Of course no matter how well all of the above might work there will still always be a need for the fundamental right to fall back on abortion. So no matter how rare it becomes abortion will always need to be safe and legal and there.
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Can I just add one more thing about reframing the question away from abortion (where secular and lay opponents work hard to keep it) and towards preventing unplanned, unwanted pregnancy (where they really, really don’t want to go?)
When the issue is framed in terms of abortion then an increase in the raw numbers is considered a “failure” and a decrease is considered “success.” That’s great for Popes and the rest of the nopes, so you can see why they love that way of looking at it.
If instead you start looking at it in terms of education, autonomy, and in terms of safe, affordable, available, useable, and reliable birth control then an increase in the number of unplanned, unwanted pregnancies becomes the point of failure and a corresponding decrease becomes success. And an increase or decrease in abortion becomes a sideshow.
Popes and other nopes prefer to keep the focus on abortion rather than unplanned, unwanted pregnancies because with the former they can pretend they’re part of the solution. With the latter there’s no way they can pretend they’re not part of the problem.
Lindsay Bayerstein of Big Think on the no-doubt humiliating but nevertheless meaningless executive order that gave anti-abortion fanatic Bart Stupak a face-saving way to flip-flop on HCR.
The president might as well have signed an executive order banning federal funds for vajazzling, the option was never on the table. It costs nothing to repeat the obvious. At first it seemed like Democrats might have to make substantive concessions to Stupak in order to placate him. Then Stupak shot himself in the foot by publicly dissing nuns. His vaunted coalition of anti-choice Democrats began to fray as more more mainstream Catholic organizations came out in favor of reform.
That sounds about right. Bayerstein quotes Amanda Marcotte’s more pithy version
That this is some impressive political jujitsu. Having the President reaffirm what was already the law of the land in order to secure a vote from Bart Stupak, who has clearly never read the bill he’s so fucking concerned about. Did they come up with this brilliant plan after Stupak has made it clear that his contempt for women’s opinions applies even to nuns? Is it possible that Nancy Pelosi called up Obama and said, “Look, I’ve been telling him and Sebelius has been telling him there’s no federal funding for abortion in this bill. He apparently needs to hear it from a man, so can you give us a hand?”
That sounds even better.
Yes, it’s humiliating that Obama had to sign it to get HCR passed. And yes, it’s a setback for those of us who’s ambition it is to make pregnancy termination safer, more easily accessible, and less-often necessary. But at the end of the day Stupak’s damage had already been done. This just kept it from being worse.
Good sentences: From A. Serwer of TAPPED
For some reason, a woman’s right to choose to terminate a pregnancy is treated as amenable to compromise while the principles of people who oppose that right are inviolate. I think that’s part of why it took so long for Bart Stupak’s opposition to the current health-care bill to be unraveled for what it is: an attempt to force tougher restrictions on women’s rights.
The rest of his post, a discussion of anti-abortion menace Bart Stupak, is also worth a read.
If I was to attempt a gender-neutral guess for why abortion rights are held to be violable amenable to compromise it would be that abortions are generally contingent — a fallback required by the failure of something else such as the failure of contraception, the failure to obtain or use contraception, a failure of contraceptive availability or affordability or reliability, a failure to provide (or learn from) comprehensive sex education, a failure to acknowledge a woman’s decision to avoid pregnancy in the first place, and of course a failure to recognize a woman’s right to make choices prior to her becoming pregnant, a failure to recognize that women are self-interested human beings and not magical/mythical knockoffs of maternal ideals, and so on.
But that would be a big if. And I don’t like the framing in the first place! Instead the right to choose to terminate or keep a pregnancy is an inviolate human right of self-determination, which includes the right to reproductive self-determination. And that’s the difference between the lie of being “pro-life” (meaning only “anti-abortion” but not, say, anti-miscarriage, anti-stillbirth, anti-maternal-mortality etc.) and the truth of being authentically pro-choice. Abortion per se is actually a fairly component of the right to reproductive self-determination and autonomy.
Recognizing that greatly tempers the exclusivity of anti-abortion “inviolability.” Which is why, incidentally, the anti-abortion forces would prefer to retain their framing.
Ezra Klein correctly channels T.R. Reid.
“To oppose expanded coverage in the name of restricting abortion gets things exactly backward,” writes T.R. Reid. “It’s like saying you won’t fix the broken furnace in a schoolhouse because you’re against pneumonia.” Here’s his argument:
In a nutshell Reid says part A would be…
In Britain, only 8 percent of the population is Catholic (compared with 25 percent in the United States). Abortion there is legal. Abortion is free. And yet British women have fewer abortions than Americans do. I asked Cardinal Hume why that is.
The cardinal said that there were several reasons but that one important explanation was Britain’s universal health-care system. “If that frightened, unemployed 19-year-old knows that she and her child will have access to medical care whenever it’s needed,” Hume explained, “she’s more likely to carry the baby to term. Isn’t it obvious?”
A legitimately life-affirmative position that, for instance, the Nebraska Right to Life PAC appears to also endorse. (If one was actually “pro-life” as opposed to merely anti-sex or anti-women’s-autonomy, supporting women who choose to keep an unplanned pregnancy… as opposed to, say, relishing pregnancy in particular and children in general as women’s ordained punishment for “original sin.”)
Reid’s Part B goes like this
A young woman I knew in Britain added another explanation. “If you’re [sexually] active,” she said, “the way to avoid abortion is to avoid pregnancy. Most of us do that with an IUD or a diaphragm. It means going to the doctor. But that’s easy here, because anybody can go to the doctor free.”
Another excellent point, obviously.
If one really wanted to reduce abortion, as opposed to, say, using the threat of pregnancy to hammer women into submission, one would enthusiastically embrace both parts A and B, and one would tend to view extending coverage to the most economically vulnerable population as an excellent step in the right direction. If one actually didn’t give a flying fig about abortion except as a way to enforce, say, Rule of Desire #1 you’d expect them to oppose healthcare reform.
Sharon Johnson of WE.News says (bold and italics mine)
A bill under contention in Nebraska proposes joining 14 states and the District of Columbia in providing prenatal care for all pregnant, low-income women regardless of immigrant status under CHIP, the children’s health insurance program.
It is authored by Republican Sen. Kathy Campbell, a long-time advocate for women and children, who says the bill is “morally right because all children deserve to be born healthy.” Republican Gov. Dave Heineman opposes it, saying taxpayer-funded benefits should not reach people without legal citizenship.
Oddly, in 2006 the Nebraska Right to Life Political Action Committee aggressively endorsed Gov. Heineman’s reelection, saying abortion-rights opponents “got more action in 15 months from Heineman than we did out of [previous governor] Johanns in six years.”
And by “oddly,” in this case, I mean that the Nebraska Right to Life PAC steadfastedly supports the bill Heineman’s threatening to veto. In direct violation of blogger protocol (we’re supposed to just sit in our pajamas in our mom’s basements) I called them to ask. The woman who answered said NRTL believes strongly in prenatal care for everyone regardless of status.
Whatever else one might say about any organization opposed to reproductive rights one can say that at least on this issue NRTL has a consistent position. Whatever else one can say about Heineman, he clearly doesn’t.
And it’s not just about the choice issue that he’s being inconsistent by the way. He can’t claim this is about his nominal conservative principle of “States Rights.” The bill is a Nebraska initiative to restore a program that was cut from this year’s Medicare legislation. He can’t claim this is about his nominal conservative principle of “fiscal responsibility” either. By replacing Medicare funds with CHIP, which has more generous reimbursement rates, the bill would save Nebraska taxpayers almost $4 million a year.
Instead, like Congressman Bart Stupak, Heineman’s position is pure, gratuitous Teabagging.
Via Matthew Yglesias,
Matthew Yglesias says (emphasis mine)
It’s precisely because of stances like this that it’s very hard to take the “abortion is murder” crowd seriously when they say abortion is murder. Their revealed behavior indicates that they don’t actually find abortion especially problematic, but just place it on a spectrum containing a general aversion to women controlling their own sexuality
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Atrios sees this as a reason to mock those who advocate seeking “common ground” with abortion proponents. I think we’re arguably seeing here the real fruits of seeking common ground in good faithâ€â€their real views are smoked out.
Atrios is technically correct that seeking compromise never works with ideologues. But Yglesias is absolutely correct that simply making the effort forces those ideologues to show their true colors.
Which, since they’re very ugly colors, drives a wedge between them and the vast, vast majority of Americans for whom efforts to prevent unplanned, unwanted pregnancies through contraception, sex education, and empowerment for girls and women, are perfectly acceptable.
Ezra Klein of The Washington Post puts anti-choice activist’s calls for “calm” in the face of their stunning, um, extra-political victory against women’s reproductive health in the form of the assassination of Dr. George Tiller at the Reformation Lutheran Church in Wichita, Kansas (all emphasis his)
As The American Prospect’s Ann Friedman writes, this has to be understood in context. It is the final, decisive act in “an ongoing campaign of intimidation and harassment against someone who was providing completely legal health-care services.” That campaign stretched over decades of protests, lawsuits, violence, and, finally, murder. The different elements were not always orchestrated. But the intent remained constant: To counter the absence of a statute that would make Tiller’s work illegal with enough intimidation to render it impossible.
This was, in other words, a political act. Tiller was murdered so that those in his line of work would be intimidated. In conversations with folks yesterday, I heard well-meaning variants on the idea that it would be unseemly to push legislation in the emotional aftermath of Tiller’s execution. I disagree. Roeder was acting in direct competition with the United States Congress. And it’s quite likely that he changed the status quo. Legislative language and judicial rulings had made abortive procedures legal and thus accessible. Yesterday’s killing was meant to render abortive procedures unsafe for doctors to conduct and thus inaccessible.
If a woman cannot get an abortion because no nearby providers are willing to assume the risk of performing it, the actual outcome is precisely the same as if the procedure were illegal. Roeder has, in all likelihood, made abortion less accessible. It would be, in my view, a perfectly appropriate response for the Congress to decisively prove his action not only ineffectual, but, in a broad sense, counterproductive.
That sounds about right. If, as Megan McArdle seems to believe Roeder’s terrorist act was morally wrong but politically rational then it’s at least as rational to respond politically to Roeder’s action.