Harriet Jacobs of Fugitivus again, this time on an extremely prickly subject I’ve discussed previously: the blurred boundary between subsistence and dependency at the real margins of society. In this case the difference between assistance and exploitation or… well… she puts it rather pithily (emphasis mine.)
I had a social worker friend who once described a conversation she’d had with a female client who was trying to get back on her feet. She had met a new guy that she was very excited about. Oh, sure, there were problems, but who doesn’t have problems? Anyway, he was so committed to her, so committed to working out everything. The woman brushed off the few times he’d encouraged her to have sex with his friends as times that they were all just sooooooo drunk, but it totally strengthened their relationship because they’re not even the jealous types. And, of course, there were all the times that she was just trying to “help him out” on a drug deal. And then those times that she had “cheated” when a friend of his came by and locked her in the bedroom. At the end of her description, the social worker had to try and explain that this woman didn’t have a relationship, or a boyfriend: she had a pimp.
You wouldn’t think this kind of denial could happen. It could.
What’s really harsh, by the way, is that since in circumstances like this the pimp “boyfriend” may be trading his partner for favors or status or cargo rather than cash he may not, strictly speaking, recognize that he’s being a pimp either. Although mostly I’m guessing he’s pretty clear about he’s doing he still might not think of it as pimping.
That would be another problem with stereotypes, especially for those living really marginal lives.
As I said in my own post a couple of years ago
speaking for myself, even though I was sometimes sleeping under overpasses, in cars, or “crashing” at other people’s apartments, and even though my diet was so meager I developed nutritional deficiency diseases, it wasn’t until the 1980s that I realized I’d been homeless. And it wasn’t till very recently that I realized the people we thought of at the time as “in some kind of hot water” probably qualified as trafficked or pimped. So I’m guessing the same is true for a lot of people still in those situations. And not because they’re not there but because there’s there’s so much overlap between the aspirations and difficulties of migration/transience, smuggling, and trafficking that sometimes it’s hard to tell even when you’re in it, let alone from the outside.
I said it here: Between Transience and Trafficking, a Personal Perspective
This isn’t by the way even remotely anything like an excuse. It’s a complication in any scheme to legalize prostitution, which I would still like to see. Or to keep it illegal, which many more people would evidently like to see. Which means, at least to me, that no matter how the pro/anti activism turns out this particular issue will probably need to be addressed by separate policy initiatives.
I don’t have much else to say about it. Except maybe that I think it could be distinguished pretty unambiguously in a page, or even a sidebar, in a comprehensive sex-education curriculum. And so if anyone’s listening I’d really like to lobby for its inclusion. Of course it would also be nice if we could count on students receiving comprehensive sex education in the first place…
I’ll just reiterate that I think Jacobs writes powerful stuff.
Incidentally she closes her post this way…
it’s impossible to ignore rape culture when it calls and makes an appointment, in a whisper and obviously hiding in a closet. When it arrives late on the bus, alone and lost. When it walks in the front door, comes over to your desk, and whispers on the verge of tears, “I need, um, I need, I need the thing.” It’s hard to ignore when it’s curled up in your lobby, unresponsive and unwilling to come back, to interact with you or any representative of the world. It’s hard to ignore when it’s made manifest in a real live girl, a real live girl who has been stripped of the right to disallow strangers access to everything from the waist down. I am acutely aware that many of these girls have been violated, and that I constitute a further violation; my presence announces to them that not only are they not allowed to choose when and with whom they have sex, but they are not allowed to choose how to deal with the consequences of being abused. All I did was pass a job interview, and I am temporarily LordGodKing of her uterus. All she did was own the uterus; why should she get to decide what to do with it? It’s not like she can type up the paperwork. She doesn’t even have a desk.
Powerful stuff.
Another point that can be extracted from Hugo Schwyzer’s post about the research into men who hire prostitutes...
It’s not hard to see that this belief — part of what I refer to as the myth of male weakness — serves a particularly important self-justifying function. “I need to have sex with prostitutes”, the line goes, “or I might rape.”
...
They want the myth of male weakness to work because it serves their agenda; they know that in their own lives, the myth is oversold. This is cynical, yes, but devastatingly effective.
It wouldn’t hurt to ask if the same accusations could be made of the socially-conservative philosophy of some of at least some of the researchers behind the original project (pdf).
Because on the one hand, yes, if it’s very helpful to assume all men are potential rapists if one is asserting that all prostitutes are conscripted.
But!
On the other hand, recalling the major point of Hugo’s post, sticking with that dichotomy handily enables men who excuse themselves hiring prostitutes in those terms!
And even though I’ve run out of hands an even more important consideration is that the dichotomy alienates at least two groups that could be really, really useful allies in confronting abuse in prostitution: men in general for one, and the subset of prostitutes (however large or small) who either aren’t or who don’t perceive themselves as coerced.
KJ of ImmigrationProf Blog says
The University of Pennsylvania Law Review will hold a conference on “Trafficking in Sex and Labor: Domestic and International Responses November” on November 13-14, 2009 at the University of Pennsylvania Law School, Philadelphia, PA. Human trafficking is currently a major global concern. Rates of trafficking, slavery, and involuntary servitude continue to increase, and the global economic crisis is expected to worsen the problem while frustrating efforts at prevention, prosecution, and remediation. Trafficking also touches upon a broad array of domestic and international legal issues, from policies on immigration and prostitution to gender equality and the problem of violence against women. The issue is currently under active debate in Congress and is likely to receive renewed focus with the change of administration in the United States. The University of Pennsylvania Law Review Symposium will address trafficking in persons—the transportation of people across national borders, often through the use of force, coercion, fraud, or duplicity—from a domestic and international perspective.
KJ
(Via Google Alerts on the keyword “sex trafficking.”)
Grim quote from The Guardian by Holly of Self-Portrait as who introduces it as “a real-life example of what happens when women are treated as commodities. This story, from the Guardian, details what is happening in Uganda, where…”
The practice of bride gifts has been relabelled “bride price”, demanded by families and fiercely negotiated. It has reduced young women to commodities and has made families see their daughters as a source of income. Today bride price isn’t a bag of potatoes, it’s a list of demands for money, animals or clothing made by fathers and older brothers, who might want to throw in requests for new shoes or school fees. The mother gets nothing because she was more or less purchased herself, and the sisters are ignored too as they are all set to be exchanged for commodities when they reach 12 or 13.
The impact of this commodification on young women is catastrophic. It breeds misery and reduces them to chattels.
Sex-trafficking is very real. It’s just not all commercial sex trafficking.
I remember reading that European slave traders in Africa justified themselves by mass-baptizing their human cargos before shipping them out via the infamous Middle Passage to the Americas. The idea being that, having been baptized the 30-50% of victims who routinely died of dysentery, scurvy, thirst, and suicide while chained ankle-by-ankle to the decks would perforce go to heaven.
I get the impression same mentality applies to their descendants for whom marriage for women, no matter how nasty, brutal, short, or profitable for her family, is automatically assumed to be virtuous.
And I think this is why we see so much more emphasis than is warranted placed on trafficking of “whores,” and virtually no emphasis on trafficking of “madonnas.”
Again, it’s not that there’s no trafficking in commercial sex. There certainly is! But just as it’s a mistake to imagine that all sex-work is sex-trafficking, it’s a much bigger mistake to imagine that only sex-workers are trafficked for sex.
A younger friend of mine has this job. She was recruited into it at a very early age… not even twelve when she started doing it. She was very good at it — wound up making far more as an “amateur” than any of the other kids in her school. When she turned 18 she discovered she could make quite a bit more if she kept doing it than she could with any of the other entry-level jobs that were available to her. So she turned pro. Now, as she approaches her 30s, she’s growing weary of it and wondering if she’s up for it anymore and wondering even harder what she could do instead that would make anything like the same money, in this economy. Especially considering how she’s specialized in her particular skills, how she barely made it through high school, and how her prospects of going to college or even a trade school are pretty dim.
There’s a lot of heartache in her line of work. She develops sometimes intensely personal and intimate relationships with her clients but no matter how close they become the clients always move on, always lose interest. And though she tries to keep tabs on them they often forget about her entirely.
Laura AgustÃn of Border Thinking on Migration, Culture, Economy and Sex says my friend may soon have a hard time getting a visa to do it in Canada. For her own “protection.”
[Canadian Minister of Citizenship, Immigration and Multiculturalism Jason Kenny’s] ministry issued a media release stating that the proposed amendments to the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act will “protect vulnerable foreign workers such as exotic dancers and live-in caregivers who could be victims of exploitation”.
...
According to Wong, one measure to evaluate the vulnerability of a person is insufficiency of funds. “If we allow them in, we are actually putting them in great risk,” Wong told the Straight. Wong confirmed that the bill is driven by Conservatives’ aversion to foreign strippers in Canada. “That is one of the major concerns because, legally, according to admissible criteria, these workers can come in but experience has told us that once they come in, they will be exploited,” she said.
Erika Del Carmen Fuchs of the Justicia for Migrant Workers B.C. doesn’t agree with the Conservative approach. Fuchs told the Straight: “If there’s a problem with human trafficking, they should go after traffickers, not the people being trafficked.”
In May, two Filipino caregivers alleged mistreatment by Liberal MP Ruby Dhalla’s family. The caregivers claimed that they worked 12 to 16 hours a day and that their passports were confiscated. If the bill becomes law and is applied to cases similar to the Dhalla affair, Kurland said that the only remedy available for caregivers would be to get kicked out of Canada.
My friend is a professional nanny.
This is not to say nannying and, say, stripping are directly equivalent professions. But they evidently are similar enough to be treated the same way by… particularly thumb-fingered and/or heartless lawmakers.
Personally I think if one were trying to make workers safer, especially immigrant workers, it would be a better idea to actually protect the workers instead of outlawing them.
A younger friend of mine has this job. She was recruited into it at a very early age… not even twelve when she started doing it. She was very good at it — wound up making far more as an “amateur” than any of the other kids in her school. When she turned 18 she discovered she could make quite a bit more if she kept doing it than she could with any of the other entry-level jobs that were available to her. So she turned pro. Now, as she approaches her 30s, she’s growing weary of it and wondering if she’s up for it anymore and wondering even harder what she could do instead that would make anything like the same money, in this economy. Especially considering how she’s specialized in her particular skills, how she barely made it through high school, and how her prospects of going to college or even a trade school are pretty dim.
There’s a lot of heartache in her line of work. She develops sometimes intensely personal and intimate relationships with her clients but no matter how close they become the clients always move on, always lose interest. And though she tries to keep tabs on them they often forget about her entirely.
Laura AgustÃn of Border Thinking on Migration, Culture, Economy and Sex says my friend may soon have a hard time getting a visa to do it in Canada. For her own “protection.”
[Canadian Minister of Citizenship, Immigration and Multiculturalism Jason Kenny’s] ministry issued a media release stating that the proposed amendments to the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act will “protect vulnerable foreign workers such as exotic dancers and live-in caregivers who could be victims of exploitation”.
...
According to Wong, one measure to evaluate the vulnerability of a person is insufficiency of funds. “If we allow them in, we are actually putting them in great risk,” Wong told the Straight. Wong confirmed that the bill is driven by Conservatives’ aversion to foreign strippers in Canada. “That is one of the major concerns because, legally, according to admissible criteria, these workers can come in but experience has told us that once they come in, they will be exploited,” she said.
Erika Del Carmen Fuchs of the Justicia for Migrant Workers B.C. doesn’t agree with the Conservative approach. Fuchs told the Straight: “If there’s a problem with human trafficking, they should go after traffickers, not the people being trafficked.”
In May, two Filipino caregivers alleged mistreatment by Liberal MP Ruby Dhalla’s family. The caregivers claimed that they worked 12 to 16 hours a day and that their passports were confiscated. If the bill becomes law and is applied to cases similar to the Dhalla affair, Kurland said that the only remedy available for caregivers would be to get kicked out of Canada.
My friend is a professional nanny.
This is not to say nannying and, say, stripping are directly equivalent professions. But they evidently are similar enough to be treated the same way by… particularly thumb-fingered and/or heartless lawmakers.
Personally I think if one were trying to make workers safer, especially immigrant workers, it would be a better idea to actually protect the workers instead of outlawing them.
Ann Bartow of Feminist Law Professors says
Wouldn’t you think the media would be a little more invested in figuring out why Ling and Lee were considered threats by North Korea? It’s because they were investigating sex trafficking for Current TV, as only briefly noted in this NYT article, which states: “It ended a harrowing ordeal for the two women, who were stopped on March 17 by soldiers near North Korea’s border with China while researching a report about women and human trafficking.”
To be perfectly honest no, I don’t think the press was so much not invested in the trafficking angle as they were in the much more operatic “ZOMG North Korea’s Got Kim Jong-il and Teh Bomb.” An oldie but goldie for the press since the lead up to the Korean War in the 1950s.
That’s not to say the situation for North Korean migrants in China isn’t really, really dire. They caught firmly in classic political and economic shears: on the one hand there’s no, zero, none opportunity in North Korea and a fairly substantial chance of outright starvation; on the other hand it’s particularly illegal to migrate without documentation to China from Korea, and the penalty (being “repatriated”) brings gruesome penalties at home. Consequently migrants there, like, say, undocumented Romanian migrants in Italy or undocumented Haitian migrants in Florida are extraordinarily vulnerable to sexual or other forms of labor exploitation. Something about “all I have to do is contact the authorities and you’ll be dead in a month” that really gives employers… or for that matter random-but-documented passers by… extraordinary leverage in negotiating, um, tasks and wages.
When the border in question separates cultures which both have strikingly awful human rights records and indifferent to bad attitudes towards women in particular then yeah, good for Lee and Ling for putting their lives on the line to shine light on the situation. Now that they’re home, and once they’re rested, I hope Lee and Ling will have an opportunity to write not only about their experiences in custody but also about the topics they went into jeopardy to cover in the first place.
So I finished yesterday’s post about a U.N. report on trafficking (large pdf) feeling a bit like I should have been wearing a tinfoil hat.
My basic concern is that the U.N. document says sex-trafficking is disproportionately intercepted, prosecuted, and reported. Reporters, however, are turning the figure of 79% of reported cases being sex trafficking into 79% of all cases being sex trafficking. Which I’m afraid will get translated into pressure to divert even more resources away from all other forms of human trafficking.
My feeling is that people are repeating the 79% figure as fact because a) it fits their preconceived notions and b) it fits their moral priorities. I might add that, in too much of the world authorities prefer an emphasis on sex trafficking because (as in, say, Brazil, India and Pakistan, much of the Caribbean, parts of Asia and Africa) economies benefit tremendously from slave labor and therefore have a direct interest in seeing that ignored. (See forced male labor on sugar plantations, forced child labor in textile and carpet industries, and forced female labor in Asia and, um, too many U.S. territories and protectorates.)
So let’s try a different approach at forcing a closer look at that UNODC report (emphasis mine.)
Victims of human trafficking were identified through the criminal justice process and through victims’ assistance organizations. Over 21,400 victims were identified in 2006 among the 111 countries reporting victim data for that year.
UNODC Global Report on Trafficking in Persons, pg. 11 (large pdf)
If you’re willing to accept that there were scarcely more than twenty thousand victims of human trafficking last year I’m willing to accept that 79% of them were sex-trafficking cases. M’kay?
—
Of course I’m not willing to accept either figure and neither should anyone else. Even after distinguishing smuggling of voluntary migrants from the trafficking of victims of involuntary debt peonage and outright enslavement (as the UNODC document recommends) I wouldn’t be surprised if the number wasn’t off by one or more orders of magnitude.
However (*also* as made clear in the report) since many of those 111 countries have radically different definitions of what constitutes trafficking. For instance some countries define only sex trafficking but no child trafficking. Others define child trafficking but no sex trafficking. A few others… last year almost including the United States… inflate some numbers by defining all sex work as human trafficking while severely deprecating other forms by… shifting resources away from other forms in order to further emphasize sex trafficking. Scarcely any countries define selling women into marriage as trafficking. In all countries both law enforcement and non-profit organizations actively seek out sex-workers (trafficked or otherwise) whereas very few countries actively seek out trafficked labor. And virtually no one pays attention to, let alone formally tracks, the non-commercial sexual coercion imposed on male, female, and child victims of non-sex trafficking.
In other words the numbers reported are bogus and therefore the percentages based on those numbers are bogus. Which would be why… the authors of the document stress the need for more and especially more accurate information before conclusions are drawn.
Feminist Law Professors, in a post titled “About 79 percent of human trafficking involves sex slavery while 18 percent covers forced or bonded labor, forced marriages and organ removal,” says
So says the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, in a new report that is available here. A press release providing an overview of the report can be found here.
There’s a little bit of fudging here. First of all Bartow says the study says
“About 79 percent of human trafficking involves sex slavery…”
That, if true, is absolutely definitive. If true then all other trafficking amounts to wagging the tail of sex slavery.
Reading her post charitably one would assume Bartow got her definitive statistic of 79% from the press release, which says
According to the [actual UNODC] Report, the most common form of human trafficking (79%) is sexual exploitation, although this may be an optical illusion.
That, if true, is… well… not quite definitive because of that weird little “may be an optical illusion” clause… but still pretty conclusive. If true then all other trafficking still amounts to wagging the tail of sex slavery!
That bit about “optical illusions” is a giant, red, sore-looking zit on the nose of credibility though. And unlike Bartow’s title the press-release paragraph says nothing about bonded labor, forced marriage, or organ donation. So she probably didn’t get her 79% statistic there.
So let’s look at the relevant paragraph in the actual (292 page) UN Report. (Emphasis mine.)
Third, sexual exploitation is by far the most commonly identified form of human trafficking (79%), followed by forced labour (18%). This may be the result of statistical bias. By and large the exploitation of women tends to be visible, in city centres, or along highways. Because it is more frequently reported, sexual exploitation has become the most documented type of traf- ficking, in aggregate statistics. In comparison, other forms of exploitation are under-reported: forced or bonded labour; domestic servitude and forced marriage; organ removal; and the exploitation of children in begging, the sex trade, and warfare.
Bartow appears to have glided right over a snippet of text qualifying that the 79% was not the quantity of human trafficking that involves sex slavery but the quantity reported, and then glided past nearly a paragraph of text clarifying those qualifications, before picking up the last little bits about bonded labor, forced marriage, and organ harvesting adding up the remainder of reported cases.
Other citations of the 79% figure in the UNODC report either contain similar qualifications about reporting (pg. 11) or make no mention of forced marriage and organ harvesting (pg. 57.)
A sidebar on page 51 of the report explains why this matters
“Why trafficking for forced labour is less easily detected than trafficking for sexual exploitation”
There is a general concern that trafficking for forced labour is less frequently detected and reported than trafficking for sexual exploitation, and at least three considerations support this concern. The first regards legislation. In 2008, most of the countries considered by this report had a trafficking in persons offence in place that included the criminalization of trafficking for forced labour, but this is a recent development. For instance, about 10 European countries expanded their definition of trafficking to include forced labour during the years 2005-2008. For many years, a large number of East Asian countries only considered trafficking for sexual exploitation, which remains the case in many countries in the region. A similar situation exists in Latin America.
The second issue relates to the first in that law enforcement agencies, as well as the general public, often view trafficking in persons only in the context of sexual exploitation. For many years and in many countries, the two concepts have been almost concomitant. Hence, an episode of trafficking for forced labour, when detected, could still be treated and recorded under another charge even when a specific offence of trafficking for forced labour exists in a country’s criminal code.
Finally, the ‘visibility bias’ is the idea that trafficking for forced prostitution is more likely to be detected than trafficking for forced labour. Prostitution (whether forced or voluntary) involves the general public because it must be visible – taking place in streets, bars or public spaces in urban areas – to attract potential clients. Conversely, most of the victims of forced labour often work in hidden locations, such as agricultural fields in rural areas, mining camps and garment factories or within the closed environment of a house in the case of domestic servitude. As a consequence, the detection of victims of trafficking for forced labour is less probable than the identification of victims of trafficking for forced prostitution.
In other words it’s not that 79% of trafficking is sex-trafficking, it’s that when nobody gives a shit about any other kind (and, especially, when people actively lobby to exclude enforcement of non-sex trafficking as, ahem, some people have) we just have a lousy idea how much trafficking — sex trafficking and, especially, otherwise — there is overall.
Celebrating because lousy data supports your biases at the expense of (in this case literally) uncounted tens or hundreds of thousands of others is a terrible idea.
Ann Bartow of Feminist Law Professors is evidently unhappy about it but here’s some good news: The long-awaited and much-needed “William Wilberforce Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act of 2008” anti-trafficking law has passed both the House and Senate.
Bartow blames Senator and Vice-President-elect Joe Biden for helping pass the law minus the House amendments that had held it up in the Senate and drawn opposition from such notorious human-rights haters as… Human Rights Watch and from international sex-traffick-loving organizations such as… um… anti-sex-trafficking and immigration-rights NGOs. Notorious anti-feminists like Eleanor Smeal, President of… oh wait… Feminist Majority Foundation said of the bill’s passage, “In addition to providing assistance to trafficking victims, this Act further puts the weight of the federal government behind efforts to combat trafficking for labor, sexual exploitation and child labor.”
In all seriousness Bartow’s issue wasn’t with Wilberforce itself, which has always focused on the issues of international trafficking. Instead she and others argued it was with inadequate federal-level legislation covering prostitution and, particularly, pimping. Given the fairly substantial levels of interstate transfers of funds, contacts, and humans engaged in commercial sex more tools for investigating, prosecuting such violations and coordinating multi-state efforts would probably be helpful as most anti-prostitution law enforcement happens at state and local levels.
However the effect of the objected-to amendments to the 2007 version of the Wilberforce act would have clumsily made the State Department a party to such interstate law-enforcement, effectively defined all prostitution as sex-trafficking, prioritized sex-trafficking over all other forms of involuntary servitude, diverted resources away from actual, you know, human slave trading, while relocating actual international sex-trafficking authority under the domestic-trafficking Mann (a.k.a. “white slavery”) Act, (forcing, incidentally, the creation of a new crime called, I believe, either “extreme” or “severe sex trafficking” to handle all the case of actual… international, non-domestic-prostitution sex slavery previously covered in all previous versions of the law.)
The new version merely strengthens and increases funding for the existing law. Disappointing I know. The good news, though, is its passage now creates a clear path for activists for whom the only form of slavery that matters is sex slavery to lobby for federal and state legislation dealing with actual domestic inter- and intrastate trafficking. And as long as they focus on actual conscription and exploitation of involuntary sex workers, and don’t try poaching funding or resources from enforcement of other anti-human-trafficking initiatives they have my blessing.
Meanwhile, though, the small but very real proportion of the international migrant community that winds up in outright slavery, debt peonage, or other forms of conscripted transport and servitude will receive continuing protection under the newly-reauthorized law.